Abstract

India has committed to achieving developed nation status by the centenary of its independence, leveraging cutting-edge technologies including AI tapping into its vast human capital, and implementing policies that foster high growth while addressing enduring social and economic inequalities. While Indian policymakers’ focus has rightfully been on the technological and economic aspects, a critical yet often overlooked dimension is communication.

Effective communication is vital not only to policy formulation regardless of sector, but also its successful implementation. As India’s experience with liberalisation demonstrates, even transformative, long-overdue reforms have faced significant resistance, sometimes even from the targeted  beneficiaries. This resistance has occasionally led to electoral setbacks, policy paralysis, or, in the worst cases, the rollback of crucial reforms. The importance of communication in promoting well-informed public discourse, countering propaganda of well-entrenched vested interests, engaging stakeholders, securing buy-in, and ensuring policies achieve their desired outcomes cannot be overstated.

This chapter explores some of the complex communication challenges in policy-making and implementation, concluding with an unprecedented instance where a resource-challenged yet brilliantly conceived strategic communication effort triumphed over immense obstacles by leveraging modern domestic and international media platforms alongside deeply ingrained traditional symbols. This unparalleled success secured global support for a transformative cause and inspired others.

Introduction

India's aspiration to emerge as a developed nation has been a central driving force since its independence, shaping state policies across governments and political ideologies over the past 75 years. However, the formal establishment of a definitive target year—2047, marking the centenary of India's liberation from British colonial rule—has elevated this ambition into a mission mode. This deadline, alongside the multi-dimensional objectives it encompasses, has imbued the goal of national development with a renewed urgency and direction. These aspirations have been widely discussed, scrutinised, and analysed by policy experts, including members of the fourth estate, highlighting the contours of India's developmental trajectory. The benchmarks for a developed or high-income economy are well-defined, notably by the World Bank Atlas method, which categorises nations with a Gross National Income (GNI) per capita exceeding $14,005 as developed.

Yet, India's aspirations transcend mere economic indicators. In addition to the monetary targets, the country seeks to realise a parallel, equally significant goal: social equity, justice, and dignity for all citizens, particularly those who have been historically marginalised. This vision is encapsulated in the Gandhian ideal of Antyodaya se Sarvodaya, which advocates the upliftment of the most disadvantaged sections of society to ensure collective prosperity. The concept of Sarvodaya the welfare of all has deep roots in India’s spiritual, intellectual and political history. In the west its origins can be traced to John Ruskin’s Unto This Last, which profoundly influenced Mahatma Gandhi’s worldview during his struggles in South Africa and shaped his activism for rest of his life. This principle has been further articulated by thinkers and leaders such as Deendayal Upadhyay, the proponent of Integral Humanism; Acharya Vinoba Bhave, a Gandhian social reformer; and Lok Nayak Jayaprakash Narayan, among others, spanning from ancient India to contemporary thought.

Achieving this goal, however, represents the more complex and challenging facet of India's mission. The Viksit Bharat or ‘Developed India’ initiative encompasses a multitude of longstanding policy goals, that over time, have been redefined, scaled-up, or, in some instances, freshly created. These address various domestic issues such as gender empowerment, environmental sustainability, agricultural welfare, rural development, infrastructure, healthcare, and ease of doing business, as well as various foreign policy issues such as international trade, and national security. Amid these multifarious policy goals, the overarching challenge lies in the formulation and successful implementation of comprehensive, robust policies addressing these goals.

The realisation of such an expansive agenda demands expertise from a wide array of fields. These include civil engineering, project management, construction, scientific research, innovation, public policy, agronomy, urban and rural planning, social work, education, legal affairs, psychology, data science, economics, finance, information technology, conservation, and climate change. Despite the diverse disciplines involved, a central, unifying element persists across each programme: communication.

The subsequent challenge from a communication perspective is its integration throughout all stages of policy design and implementation. This encompasses the scaling up of existing initiatives, such as the expansion of highway networks, the transformation of legacy policies like the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 replacing the 34-year-old NEP 1986 and the introduction of entirely new initiatives, such as the Techade. While some policies incorporate communication as a component, particularly in raising public awareness about the overarching ‘Viksit Bharat 2047’ or ‘Developed India 2047’ vision, the role of communication in the actual formulation and implementation of these policies remains inadequately defined.

The Indian government has made notable strides in this regard, initiating the Hamara Sankalp Bharat campaign, a nationwide media and public engagement effort launched at the highest level. This campaign aims to ensure the widespread dissemination of government schemes across urban and rural areas, with a particular emphasis on vulnerable populations who have yet to benefit from these initiatives. Through outreach activities, the campaign focuses on raising awareness, collecting personal insights from beneficiaries, and enrolling eligible individuals based on data obtained during its execution.

While the successful realisation of these policy initiatives, from conception to execution, undoubtedly requires the involvement of top-tier experts, it is equally contingent upon the integration of effective communication strategies. Unfortunately, this aspect has often been addressed sub-optimally in the Indian context, exacerbating challenges at various stages of policy formulation and implementation.

This chapter offers a detailed analysis of some of the communication challenges faced in formulating and implementing public policies. It is important to address them  for advancing the Indian government's ambitious goal of transforming the nation into a developed economy within the next two decades.

Communication Challenges

Communication Challenge 1: The Limits of Evidence

In the realm of development policymaking, evidence-based approaches are often regarded as the gold standard for informed decision-making. Nevertheless, Cairney (2016) asserts that the translation of evidence into policy is impeded by a complex interplay of political and institutional dynamics. Evidence is frequently moulded by political considerations, distorting its application. As Head and Nutley et al. (2012) observe, policymakers often politicise evidence, framing it to align with preferred narratives rather than relying on objective findings. This selective use of evidence constitutes a significant communication challenge, as it can obscure its true potential and result in a misalignment between intended and actual policy outcomes.

Furthermore, Cairney (2016) emphasises that the success of evidence-based policy hinges on effective communication with stakeholders. In the development sector, where policies address multifaceted issues, the challenge of communicating evidence is further compounded. Political agendas, institutional dynamics, and public perceptions often obscure the potential of evidence, hindering its effective application. Another critique (Greenhalgh & Russell, 2009) is that a narrow evidence-based approach to policymaking is fundamentally limited in its ability to address the complex, context-specific, and value-driven process through which individuals and interest groups negotiate competing options. Thus, despite the theoretical appeal of evidence-based policy, communication barriers and political realities frequently undermine its success. 

Communication Challenge 2: The Limits of Collection Tools

When working with marginalised populations, one of the primary challenges in generating evidence for rigorous analysis and policymaking does not lie in the efficacy of the investigative process but rather in the tools used to collect data. A salient illustration of this challenge is 'Jodha's Paradox' a phenomenon observed by economist N. S. Jodha in the 1970s during his study of rural poverty in Rajasthan. In comparing data from his earlier fieldwork (1964-66) with follow-up research (1982-84) in the same villages, Jodha found that households experiencing a decline in per capita real income were, paradoxically, better off according to their own criteria. These improvements included enhanced housing quality, regular consumption of items such as milk, reduced dependence on patrons, and a decreased necessity for seasonal migration for work.

These findings indicated that income was not the sole determinant of well-being, and that other factors such as social autonomy and living standards played significant roles. Yet, the findings also exposed the limitations of traditional research metrics used to assess well-being, poverty, and progress. These conventional tools failed to adequately capture the true conditions of marginal individuals or communities, signaling the urgent need for revisions that encompass a broader array of factors. Jodha's paradox challenged traditional economic assessments that equate higher income with improved living conditions. His research has since influenced subsequent studies on poverty and livelihoods, fostering the development of more comprehensive tools for assessing development that go beyond mere income measurements.

Communication Challenge 3: The Limits of Policy Paradigms

Building on Jodha's four-decade-old study, it is pertinent to reassess not only the research tools used to generate data for policymaking but also the very paradigms that shape the policy priorities themselves. To illustrate this, we can turn to the case of Delhi an area that stands in stark contrast to the rural, remote, and economically underdeveloped regions discussed previously. Between 1981 and 2015, Delhi's per capita income, as measured by its Net State Domestic Product (NSDP) and adjusted for inflation, rose dramatically from ₹5,373 to ₹240,849 a phenomenal increase of nearly 45 times. This transformation, far exceeding the national average during the same period, is a testament to the city's remarkable economic growth. By comparison, India's national per capita income rose from approximately ₹5,000 (nominal) in 1981 to ₹80,000-₹90,000 (nominal) in 2015 an achievement that would make any planner, policymaker, or economist proud.

However, this rapid economic growth came at a significant cost: by 2015, Delhi had become one of the most polluted cities in the world, with alarmingly high levels of particulate matter. This environmental degradation led to a rise in respiratory diseases such as asthma, bronchitis, and lung cancer, shortening life expectancy by an estimated 7.8 years. Additionally, air pollution imposed substantial economic costs, with approximately 2 million man-days lost annually due to illness. The Yamuna River, once a vital water source, had become a toxic drain due to industrial and sewage pollution, while most of Delhi's lakes had either disappeared or become severely polluted, exacerbating water scarcity. Traffic congestion, driven by a surge in vehicles, further strained daily life and productivity.

These factors underscore the hidden costs of Delhi's economic growth, which paradoxically undermined both public welfare and economic productivity. This outcome reflects policy choices that prioritised financial growth while neglecting broader ecological and social considerations. The lessons from Delhi's experience are particularly relevant in light of the continued dominance of financial-centric models and economic rankings, such as GDP and financial indices, in global discussions of national progress often at the expense of social inequalities, environmental factors, and the overall well-being of populations. As is evident in India's Viksit Bharat 2047 goal, policymakers in developing countries cannot remain insulated from these questionable but dominant finance-centric global models and rankings when it comes to formulating policy.

To avoid a similar path of environmental and long-term economic decline, it is imperative that sustainability be integrated into every policy objective, rather than be one standalone policy objective among many. As resource economist Dasgupta (2021) points out, traditional economic metrics like GDP often fail to account for the true value of natural resources and ecosystem services, thus misrepresenting a society’s wealth. Therefore, it is crucial to factor in the economic costs of environmental degradation and to recognise the importance of natural capital in development planning. Moreover, these considerations must be effectively communicated at all levels of policymaking and implementation to ensure the successful integration of sustainability into policy development.

Communication Challenge 4:  Conveying Policy Benefits to Stakeholders

In the domain of public policy, communication is often a critically overlooked element, despite its central role in determining the success or failure of policy interventions. Even well-designed, transformative policies can falter due to communication challenges, as demonstrated by the case of the 2005-2006 Nigerian health policy initiative aimed at curtailing the spread of HIV/AIDS. Despite considerable investments in healthcare infrastructure, the policy's failure to engage target populations effectively can be attributed to its reductionist communication approach. 

By prioritising abstinence-only messaging and neglecting the importance of inclusive, contextually relevant discourse regarding prevention and treatment, the initiative alienated critical demographic groups. This communication deficit perpetuated both stigma and misinformation, thereby hindering the formation of the requisite behavioural changes among at-risk populations. (Obono, 2018). As evidenced by this case, a more nuanced communication strategy that takes into account local cultural dynamics and engages communities at multiple levels is essential for the successful implementation of public health policies. The limitations of the Nigerian HIV/AIDS initiative underscore the imperative for communication strategies to be designed not merely as tools of dissemination but as integral components of policy formulation that foster public trust and facilitate meaningful participation.

These challenges illustrate that, despite the political will and the infrastructure, the ultimate success of a much-needed initiative delivered sub-optimal results due to shortcomings in its communication strategies. The case underscores the critical importance of communication as a key determinant in the success of not only public health policies but many other development policy interventions.

Communication Solutions

Public Policy Communication – The Greatest Success Story of All Time

In the realm of public policy, the concept of strategically deployed communication—where media outreach is systematically managed and widely disseminated through various outlets—may often be viewed as an idealistic or aspirational framework. When coupled with the mobilisation of broad grassroots support, exceptional responsiveness from key stakeholders, and sympathetic engagement from both domestic and international media outlets, including front-page coverage in some of the world’s most prominent publications, all achieved amidst significant structural and resource-based constraints, it may seem more fictional than feasible. However, this very scenario did materialise in historical reality, as exemplified by a landmark event in India’s struggle for independence: the Dandi March.

The Dandi March enjoys a prominent presence in modern Indian history, art, iconography, and public imagination—appearing in school history text books, iconic cinematic representations like Sir Richard Attenborough's Gandhi, Nandalal Bose's linocut print Bapu, created shortly after the March, in Devi Prasad Roy Choudhury's renowned public sculpture Gyarah Murti in the heart of India’s capital, and earlier even appearing on Indian currency. However its pivotal role in communication sciences remains conspicuously underexplored, particularly within India's mass communication curricula, media industry, and public discourse. This omission is regrettable, especially considering that several scholars, alongside one of India's foremost advertising luminaries, have highlighted the communication aspect of this event in the nation's protracted struggle for independence.

Mahatma Gandhi, a barrister trained in London, initially adhered to British sartorial norms, even during his early years in South Africa. However, upon his return to India in 1915, he deliberately distanced himself from colonial respectability by adopting khadi—hand-spun cloth—as a symbol of resistance against the Britain’s economic exploitation policies in India. This shift promoted India’s economic self-reliance (Swadeshi), symbolised his solidarity with India’s impoverished artisans, and represented unity with the masses. Furthermore, khadi became a sartorial embodiment of frugality, self-discipline, and asceticism, aligning with Gandhi’s broader commitment to a simple, ethical life (Iyer, 2000). This sartorial shift, combined with a simple bamboo walking stick, reinforced his position as a leader in solidarity with India's masses, many of whom were poor, illiterate, and exploited (Easwaran, 1973). This sartorial change also tapped into India’s deep-rooted respect for asceticism, further solidifying his image as "Mahatma" (Great Soul).

Alongside such non-verbal, visual communication that turned him into a relatable figure to the common, largely illiterate Indian population, Gandhi utilised mass media effectively to reach the literate classes. In 1904, while in South Africa, he founded Indian Opinion, advocating for civil rights and nonviolence. Upon returning to India, he launched Young India and Navjivan in 1919, (Fischer, 1950). These publications, transcending regional and linguistic boundaries, became platforms for his ideas on social reform and independence, fostering a national dialogue on civil disobedience (Chatterjee & Pal 2018).

By the time of the Dandi March in 1930, Gandhi had decades of experience in communicating complex ideas through carefully selected symbols, conventional media usage, and nonviolent resistance (Chatterjee & Pal 2018). He had refined his strategies of mobilising mass support through a combination of symbolic action and media outreach. While there were numerous unjust and draconian laws under the British Raj, such as the Rowlatt Act (1919), the Arms Act (1878), the Sedition Act (1870), the Vernacular Press Act (1878), the Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act (1908), the Indian Police Act (1861), the Unlawful Associations Act (1908), the Indian Civil Services Act (1861), and the Salt Tax (1878) (part of the Indian Salt Act, 1882), to name a few, Gandhi chose to focus on the Salt Tax. 

This was a deliberate choice, as other laws impacted only specific segments of Indian society. The Vernacular Press Act, for instance, affected only the literate, newspaper reading Indian public, while the Arms Act (1878) primarily impacted a small section interested in bearing arms. Similarly, the Indian Civil Services Act (1861) unfairly restricted the professional prospects of Indians but only of the cream of educated Indian population working as bureaucrats for the Empire. In contrast, the Salt Tax affected all Indians, regardless of caste, class, region, or religion (Chatterjee, 1993). What appeared to be a trivial issue became a rallying point for millions, demonstrating Gandhi’s skill in transforming symbolic acts into unifying political statements.

The 240-mile journey from Ahmedabad to the railhead closest to Dandi in coastal Gujarat could have been completed by train followed by foot or bullock cart, all in less than a day. Gandhi, however, chose to walk this distance, both as a deeply symbolic and strategic act. This deliberate decision highlighted the daily struggles of rural Indians who lacked access to modern transportation (Fischer, 1950). The slow pace allowed the March to build momentum. The small group of Satyagrahis (volunteers) that accompanied Gandhi on departure from Sabarmati Ashram, grew exponentially to thousands over the 24-day journey helped build momentum, attracting increasing media attention, both national and international (Webber, 2009). 

This coverage, including documentation by a foreign film crew and news agencies like the Associated Press transformed the March into a global spectacle. Their reportage and images of the response by the British regime including mass beating and jailing of peaceful protestors, amplified the global visibility of British colonial brutality, India's freedom struggle and its unique non-violent character (Easwaran, 1973).

Despite the Dandi March’s failure to immediately alter British salt laws, it marked a pivotal moment in India’s independence struggle, garnering global sympathy (Fischer, 1950). Gandhi was even named Time magazine’s "Man of the Year" in 1930. The true success of the Dandi March lay not in its immediate policy outcome, but in its ability to mobilise national and international support for India's cause, making it a milestone in both India’s fight for independence and the broader global decolonisation movement. (Chatterjee & Pal 2018).

The March’s success and Gandhi’s influence extended far beyond India and the global decolonisation efforts, inspiring other significant movements for social justice. Decades later in distant American civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., deeply moved by Gandhi’s non-violent principles, adopted similar strategies in leading the March on Washington in 1963 and the Selma to Montgomery marches in 1965. These events were not only pivotal in the African-American struggle for equality, but also underscored the enduring power of mass mobilisation and peaceful protest as effective communication strategies (Carson, 1998; King, 1963).

The Dandi March stands as a definitive example of strategic communication, using symbolism and media to galvanise mass support and challenge imperial power (Chatterjee, 1993; Easwaran, 1973). Revisiting the March through the lens of communication studies highlights its role in fostering collective action, advancing the narrative of independence, and navigating a hostile environment. More than a political protest, it was a carefully orchestrated communication event, offering a compelling case study at the intersection of media, politics, and societal change. As India moves towards its goal of becoming a developed nation by 2047, the Dandi March serves as an instructive model for contemporary policymakers, demonstrating how exceptionally conceived strategic communication deploying multiple mass communication mediums can mobilise diverse audiences and deliver desired policy results despite limited resources and a challenging environment.

Endnotes

1. PM launches ‘Viksit Bharat @2047: Voice of Youth.’ PIB (Press Information Bureau), 11 December 2023. Release ID no. 1985077 https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1985077

2. Viksit Bharat: The Vision of PM Modi. Published By: Admin | February 24, 2024. https://www.narendramodi.in/viksit-bharat-the-vision-of-pm-modi-579810 

3. See for e.g. Jayaswal, R. (2023) Viksit Bharat@2047: Plan for $30tn economy goal in govt focus The Hindustan Times, New Delhi.  30, October 2023 New Delhi. https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/viksit-bharat-2047-plan-for-30tn-economy-goal-in-govt-focus-101698603956786.html; Explained | What is 'Viksit Bharat 2047' and what does it aim to achieve?  DH Web Desk, Deccan Herald 04 March 2024. https://www.deccanherald.com/india/explained-what-is-viksit-bharat-2047-and-what-does-it-aim-to-achieve-2920441

4. World Bank. (2023). World development indicators: World Bank country classifications. Retrieved from https://data.worldbank.org/about/country-and-lending-groups

5. Ruskin, J. (1860). Unto this last: Four essays on the first principles of political economy. Smith, Elder, & Co.  London.

6. Gandhi, M. K. (2011). The story of my experiments with truth part IV, chapter xviii. Rupa Publications. Delhi. (Original work published 1927 by Navajivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad).

7. Narayanasamy, S. (2003). The Sarvodaya Movement: Gandhian Approach to Peace and Non-Violence. Mittal Publications. New Delhi; Gandhi, M. K. (n.d.). Sarvodaya (The Welfare of All) (Kindle ed.; Navajivan Trust, eShabda by Cygnet Infotech, n.d.).

8. Upadhyay, D. (2020). Integral Humanism: An Analysis of Some Basic Elements (1st ed.). Prabhat Prakashan. Delhi.

9. Bhave, A. V. (1951). Sarvodaya Yatra. Bharat Jain Mahamandal, Vardha, India; More, B. H., & Managundi, S. V. (2021). Vinoba Bhave as a Nation Builder. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 26(7), 19-20. https://www.iosrjournals.org

10. See for example Upadhye, A. N. (2000). Mahavira – His Times and His Philosophy of Life. Bharatiya Jnanpith. New Delhi; L. Hess & S. D. Singh (Trans.). (2002). The Bijak of Kabir. Oxford University Press.

11. Government of India. (n.d.). Hamara Sankalp Viksit Bharat [Booklet]. Government of India. New Delhi.

12. Ibid (pp. 74-90).

13. See details of various public outreach initiatives and events at Hamara Sankalp Viksit Bharat. https://viksitbharatsankalp.gov.in/ ; Live updates at https://x.com/hsvb2047?lang=en

14. Rawat, S. S. PM Modi launches Viksit Bharat @2047: Voice of Youth, all you need to know. Business Standard. New Delhi.  March 15, 2025. https://www.business-standard.com/india-news/pm-modi-launches-viksit-bharat-2047-voice-of-youth-all-you-need-to-know-123121100498_1.html

15. Cairney, P. (2016). The politics of evidence-based policy making. Palgrave Macmillan.

16. Head, B. W. (2010). Reconsidering evidence-based policy: Key issues and challenges. Policy & Politics, 38(3), 275-289. https://doi.org/10.1332/030557310X12620380914097

17. Nutley, S. M., Walter, I., & Davies, H. T. O. (2007). Using evidence: How research can inform public services. Policy Press.

18. Ibid.

19. Greenhalgh, T., & Russell, J. (2009). Evidence-Based Policymaking: A Critique. Perspectives in Biology and Medicine. 52(2), 304-318. https://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pbm.0.0085.

20. Jodha, N. S. (1988). Poverty and Deprivation in the Rajasthan Village: A Study of the Impact of Development Policies on Rural Poor. Economic and Political Weekly, 23(2), 347-356; 24. Jodha, N.S. (1988), Poverty debate in India: a minority view. Economic and Political Weekly, Special Number, November, pages 2421-2428.

21. Chambers, R., & Conway, G. R. (1992). Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: Practical Concepts for the 21st Century. IDS Discussion Paper 296; Jodha, N. S. (2002). Whose Reality Counts? Putting the Last First. In: Chambers, R. (Ed.), The Myth of the Peasant Economy: Poor Rural Communities and Development Policy (pp. 1-24).

22. CEIC Data. (n.d.). Net state domestic product per capita (NSDP per capita) - Delhi. CEIC Data. Retrieved March 16, 2025, from https://www.ceicdata.com/en/india/net-state-domestic-product-per-capita/nsdp-per-capita-delhi

23. FactoData. (n.d.). India GDP per capita 1980 to 2024. FactoData. Retrieved March 16, 2025, from https://factodata.com/india-gdp-per-capita-1980-to-2024.

24. The Economic Times. (2024, August 29). Bad air reducing life expectancy in Delhi by 7.8 years, claims report. The Economic Times, New Delhi.

25. Chowdhury, S. R., Pohit, S., & Singh, R. (2023). The Economic Implications of Air Pollution: A Case of Two Cities. Margin, 17(1-2), 94-112.

26. Parween, M., Ramanathan, A., & Raju, N. J. (2017). Waste water management and water quality of river Yamuna in the megacity of Delhi. International Journal of Environmental Science and Technology, 14, 2109–2124. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13762-017-1280-8 

27. Babu, N. M. (2024, April 27). The curious case of Delhi’s disappearing water bodies. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Delhi/the-curious-case-of-delhis-disappearing-water-bodies/article68105156.ece

28. Davis, N., Joseph, H. R., Raina, G., & Jagannathan, K. (2017). Congestion costs incurred on Indian Roads: A case study for New Delhi. arXiv. https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.1708.08984

29. Stiglitz, J. E., Sen, A., & Fitoussi, J.-P. (2010). Mismeasuring our lives: Why GDP doesn't add up. The New Press, New York, NY.

30. Government of India. (Retrieved 2023, November 20). HAMARA SANKALP VIKASIT BHARAT. https://viksitbharatsankalp.gov.in/public-download

31. Dasgupta, P. (2021). The economics of biodiversity: The Dasgupta review. HM Treasury, UK.

32. Ibid.

33. Obono, K. (2018). Media strategies of HIV/AIDS communication for behaviour change in South West Nigeria. ResearchGate. 

34. Padamsee, A. and Prabhu, A. (2020). A double life: My exciting years in theatre and advertising (pp. 146-149). Penguin.

35. Iyer, R.N. (2000). The Moral and Political Thought of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press.

36. Easwaran, E. (1973). Gandhi the Man. Nilgiri Press. California.

37. Chatterjee, M., & Pal, S. (2018). Mahatma Gandhi as a communicator: Gandhi the journalist and the media crusader, pre-dated Gandhi, the freedom fighter. Global Media Journal – Indian Edition, 9(2), 1. Sponsored by the University of Calcutta. ISSN 2249-5835. Winter Issue/December 2018.

38. Ibid.

39. Taylor, M.(2023) The Ungrudging Indian: The Political Economy of Salt in India, c. 1878–1947. South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 46:4, 791-805, DOI: 10.1080/00856401.2023.2245235 5

40. Chatterjee, P. (1993). The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories. Princeton University Press.

41. For understanding Gandhi’s communication strategies and the symbolic meanings he attached to actions like the salt march, see his correspondence and speeches during this period communicating the movement's larger goals. E.g. Gandhi, M. (1940). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Vol. 72). Government of India, Publications Division.

42. Fischer, L. (1950). The Life of Mahatma Gandhi. Harper & Row.

43. Weber, T. (2009). On the Salt March: The historiography of Mahatma Gandhi's March to Dandi (Paperback ed.). Rupa. New Delhi. 

44. Easwaran, E. (1973). Gandhi the Man. Nilgiri Press. California.

45. Fischer, L. (1950). The Life of Mahatma Gandhi. Harper & Row.

46. Saint Gandhi: Man of the Year 1930. TIME, January 5, 1931.

47. Chatterjee, M., & Pal, S. (2018). Mahatma Gandhi as a communicator: Gandhi the journalist and the media crusader, pre-dated Gandhi, the freedom fighter. Global Media Journal – Indian Edition, 9(2), 1. Sponsored by the University of Calcutta. ISSN 2249-5835. Winter Issue/December 2018.

48. Carson, C. (1998). The papers of Martin Luther King, Jr., Volume VI: Advocate of the Social Gospel, January 1948 – December 1951. University of California Press; King, M. L. (1963). I Have a Dream [Speech delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, Washington, D.C., August 28, 1963].

49. Chatterjee, P. (1993). The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories. Princeton University Press; Easwaran, E. (1973). Gandhi the Man. Nilgiri Press. California.

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